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Asia Pacífico | Observatorio Parlamentario
Korean Unification: Political Considerations (Part 1)
11 febrero 2008
The Korean Studies Program at the Institute of International Studies at Universidad de Chile conducted the research project during 2006-2007 entitled: "Korean Unification: Historical Outline of Presumptions, Perceptions and Policies". The project, led by Professor Martin Perez Le-Fort, Director of the Asia-Pacific Center and the Korean Studies Program, was funded by the Academy of Korean Studies in Seoul. A research team traveled to Korea in July 2006 in order to conduct a series of interviews on national unification.
The Korean Studies Program at the Institute of International Studies at Universidad de Chile conducted the research project during 2006-2007 entitled: "Korean Unification: Historical Outline of Presumptions, Perceptions and Policies". The project, led by Professor Martin Perez Le-Fort, Director of the Asia-Pacific Center and the Korean Studies Program, was funded by the Academy of Korean Studies in Seoul. A research team traveled to Korea in July 2006 in order to conduct a series of interviews on national unification.
The interviewees were people associated with the academy, government officials and institutions linked to the themes of national unification. The questionnaire included issues from a historical point of view, the present state of affairs and the perceptions interviewees had at that time on eventual unification.
When asked about a time line for possible unification, the answer was clear: none saw a possibility in the short-term. Some mentioned a 20 to 50 year as being a reasonable period. Under no circumstances was unification via the collapse of the current regime of North Korea considered probable. Interviewees expected something more progressive in nature, which would include seeking a confederation during a hypothetical first phase, due to the economic costs unification entails.
Many interviewees believe that the Sunshine Policy, which revitalized inter-Korean relations and enabled processes such as summits and increased dialogue and exchange between the two Koreas, has been a good policy, though not very effective. Others felt that this policy has been positive enough; however, others respondents felt South Korea’s approach should have been tougher in its policy toward North Korea and less flexible on demands for economic aid.
A survey question on their perception of the North Korean issue was obligatory. The responses showed us that older Koreans are marked by the Korean War and have mixed feelings on same. On the one hand, they yearn for unification and still have relatives in North Korea. On the other hand, they have viewed the North Koreans as enemies for years. That perception may have changed over the years, though. The middle-aged population believes that unification is necessary but with cost control. They view the North Koreans as brothers or cousins. And finally, young people are not very concerned about whether unification occurs or not. Most could be described as indifferent to the North Koreans. That is, they do not see them as enemies or close. On this point, some interviewees brought to our attention that the language of the two Koreas already has a percentage of difference, because South Korea has had more foreign influence and that the North Korean accent is stronger. However, notwithstanding these differences, the North is perceived as part of a single national identity.
The interviewees were people associated with the academy, government officials and institutions linked to the themes of national unification. The questionnaire included issues from a historical point of view, the present state of affairs and the perceptions interviewees had at that time on eventual unification.
When asked about a time line for possible unification, the answer was clear: none saw a possibility in the short-term. Some mentioned a 20 to 50 year as being a reasonable period. Under no circumstances was unification via the collapse of the current regime of North Korea considered probable. Interviewees expected something more progressive in nature, which would include seeking a confederation during a hypothetical first phase, due to the economic costs unification entails.
Many interviewees believe that the Sunshine Policy, which revitalized inter-Korean relations and enabled processes such as summits and increased dialogue and exchange between the two Koreas, has been a good policy, though not very effective. Others felt that this policy has been positive enough; however, others respondents felt South Korea’s approach should have been tougher in its policy toward North Korea and less flexible on demands for economic aid.
A survey question on their perception of the North Korean issue was obligatory. The responses showed us that older Koreans are marked by the Korean War and have mixed feelings on same. On the one hand, they yearn for unification and still have relatives in North Korea. On the other hand, they have viewed the North Koreans as enemies for years. That perception may have changed over the years, though. The middle-aged population believes that unification is necessary but with cost control. They view the North Koreans as brothers or cousins. And finally, young people are not very concerned about whether unification occurs or not. Most could be described as indifferent to the North Koreans. That is, they do not see them as enemies or close. On this point, some interviewees brought to our attention that the language of the two Koreas already has a percentage of difference, because South Korea has had more foreign influence and that the North Korean accent is stronger. However, notwithstanding these differences, the North is perceived as part of a single national identity.
(To be continued)
